<< Second part
Thrid part.
Sellers of lottery tickets,
pedlars of all sorts, parasites, eccentrics, and a few psychological
cases for whom cante was a therapy
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| José
Menese |
Why did cante gitano appear in this area and nowhere else
? The primary historical fact seems to me that this region
flanks the river connection between the Atlantic and Seville.
Its protection was vital for the survival of Spanish power,
especially as its shores were exposed to attacks not only
from the northern powers, but also by Barbary pirates, who
made frequent raids. A little lawlessness and even highway
robbery would be of no great consequence elsewhere, but
not where the wealth of both the Indies entered Spain. Hence,
I suspect, a particularly close surveillance of the Gypsies.
The legislation periodically described them as utterly lawless,
and they could easily be sent to the galleys for any reason
or no reason at all, as many were for periods of years.
The galleys’ home port was El Puerto de Santa Maria,
where they wintered. A passage in Lope de Vega describes
the wives of the galley-slaves trying to maintain contact
with their men when in El Puerto, and bringing them small
comforts : “Allí les llevan dinero, / Regalos,
ropa, calzado” (“And there they bring them money,
/ Small presents, clothes, footwear” (xi)).
The galleys were disarmed in 1748. The following year,
in Seville, a small group of Triana Gypsies invited to give
a show in a great house is described as intoning what they
called a “queja de galera” (or galley lament),
so named, and I quote, “porque un forzado gitano las
daba cuando iba al remo, y de esto pasó a otro banco
y de estos a otras galeras” (xii) (“because
a Gypsy galley-slave used to utter it when rowing, and it
passed from his bench to another, and then to other galleys”).
Some years ago, I called attention to a manifest continuity
between, on the one hand, a central melodic motif in the
public call to Muslim prayer, the Adhán, and on the
other the oldest of the tonás (the martinete) and
a handful of founding siguiriyas, which are based on that
motif and develop it (xiii). Since the galley-slaves permanently
included a number of Muslim captives, the galleys themselves
provided a natural background for the emergence of those
songs.
We can now turn to MAP 2, entitled “The
jondo area in Andalusia”. The area where the Gypsy
songs appeared, between Seville, Cadiz, the Guadalquivir
and the Cordillera Bética, also included for two
centuries a frontier zone on its eastern side, the rest
of it having been reclaimed for Christianity in the 13th
century. The Gypsies arrived there probably some twenty
years before the Fall of Granada in 1492. Now that area
further extends eastward, from Morón de la Frontera
and Marchena to Lucena and Cabra, into another remarkable
frontier zone, in which one finds evidence of an intense
interest in and serious dedication to cante, this time among
Andalusians. Places like La Puebla de Cazalla, Osuna, Puente
Genil, Lucena and Cabra, conjure up the names of notable
Andalusian singers like Cayetano Muriel Niño de Cabra,
La Niña de la Puebla, Fosforito, Menese, Diego Clavel,
Antonio Ranchal and Miguel Vargas, as well as those of writers
and artists like Francisco Rodríguez Marín,
Ricardo Molina and Francisco Moreno Galván, who were
among the first to find a culture in cante.

MAP 2
The other, Gypsy, style of expression
is characterized by starkness or even bareness, a pronounced
preference for brief emotional inflexion over ornamentation
What thus emerges into view, between Cadiz and the Lucena
area, is a sort of arco morisco or morisco arc. The Moriscoes
were those Muslims who, after the Fall of Granada, were
invited to choose between Christianity and exile. Many conformed,
but the depth of their conversion was unclear: finally most
of them were expelled, but some returned and others managed
to stay. I suspect in that area the presence of pockets
or even reservoirs of past cultures which survived under
the surface long after the Reconquista (xiv). The very lie
of the land east of Morón even suggests that the
certainty of a reconquest created a special fondness for
the old order of things even before it had gone, which transformed
into nostalgia after 1492.
Some musical features of those songs bear out such views.
Whether Andalusian or Gypsy, they periodically involve a
sort of strangled modulation which seems to come from the
throat itself. Now this very striking characteristic is
found in many of the traditions, both Muslim and musical,
which extend between North Africa and the East. Also, within
cante itself, one finds two broad styles of expression.
One of them, Andalusian, is periodically marked by an abundance
of melismas, in which single syllables of the text are enriched
with sequences of notes. The other, Gypsy, style of expression
is characterized by starkness or even bareness, a pronounced
preference for brief emotional inflexion over ornamentation,
and even, occasionally, pure unmitigated shrieks. Behind
all this one can recognize the two main musical traditions
which had gone into the culture of al-Andalus, that of the
Berbers from Morocco and its mountains (which is where the
soldiers came from), and that of Arab opulence and refinement
imported from the East.
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| Anzonini |
A wider cultural pattern also springs into view, in which
the Gypsies of Andalusia take an interest in some popular
traditions, first exploit them and keep them alive in front
of various types of public in order to make money, and finally
integrate them in their culture, so as to have something
of their own on which to lean, in order to remain distinct
and resist assimilation. Their interest in and preservation
of a rich romancero of their own provide a magnificent example,
which is abundantly documented: first by Cervantes in “La
Gitanilla”, written in 1608 ; then by Estébanez
Calderón’s “Un baile in Triana”,
based on his memories of the early 1820s; then again by
the information available on the romancero of Juan José
Niño, a Gypsy from Triana and Cadiz discovered in
1916, whose knowledge of romances was prodigious; and finally
by the superb work done since the late 1950s by a lawyer
from El Puerto, Luis Suárez Ávila, who has
located between El Puerto and Triana dozens of texts or
romances in a few dozen Gypsy families, where they are sung
and danced to during their weddings and other festivities
(xv).
The Gypsies of Andalusia take
an interest in some popular traditions, first exploit them
and keep them alive in front of various types of public
in order to make money, and finally integrate them in their
culture
Now those Gypsies have preserved this romancero of theirs
through four centuries, in exactly the same way as the Sephardic
Jews have kept their own alive to this day, through five
centuries, in North Africa, Bosnia-Herzegovina, Turkey,
Egypt, Mexico, the Argentine, and other far-away lands (xvi)
, in order to retain something of their own, and maintain
a separate identity, in the countries of their diaspora.
Nor is this all: those romances of the Gypsies are sung
on melodic patterns quite unlike those surviving in other
romanceros in Spain or abroad, and a filiation between them
and two basic forms of the soleá seems certain (xvii).
Similarly, I am currently exploring probable influences
from Black Africa, as relayed by imported slaves, on the
genesis of the tango flamenco, which was periodically called
tango de negros. The pattern is the same: a tradition found
locally is first used by the Gypsies as a means to earn
a few coins and the good will of the local population, before
it becomes integrated in their culture and provides it with
something like a past. When examined against such backgrounds,
the Gypsy songs become off-shoots of such phenomenons.
The basis of cante is a type
of tradition which demands permanent reformulation but regards
all transgressions as illicit
To conclude, I shall briefly mention three points.
Cante, both Gypsy and Andalusian, having now clearly emerged
as a culture, it can be placed with some firmness within
the traditional triad of cante, toque, and baile. The basis
of cante is a type of tradition which demands permanent
reformulation but regards all transgressions as illicit.
Guitar-playing, or toque, leads into a musical genre which
invites creation and is expanding considerably. The dance,
el baile, is what makes new converts, but its foundations
in tradition remain narrow, and its main activity seems
to consist in periodically restating its own premises. To
harness those three horses under a single term, flamenco,
is to overlook the fact that they are very different horses,
which pull differently in different directions.
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| La Perla
de Cádiz, Pierre Lefranc, Curro La Gamba |
The Andalusian writer who came nearest to what I have been
describing probably was Federico García Lorca, even
though, for him and for Manuel de Falla – and unknown
to both –, Granada was unpromising territory for cante.
His great intuition was that those Gypsies present a sort
of quintessence of Andalusia (xviii). As, after the Granada
Competition of 1922, he kept up an interest in cante and
remained on terms of friendship with Pastora Pavón,
Niña de los Peines, there is no telling where he
might have got to had he lived. His perceptions were those
of a poet and often point in the right direction.
However, I find that “flamenco” (undefined)
is currently being proposed by authoritative voices as a
cultural and identity marker for Andalusia. My own (unsolicited)
contribution to that debate would take the form of two questions
: which flamenco ? and which Andalusia (xix)? It may be
that some chapters of the cultural history of Andalusia
should be re-examined in depth and with some vigour, from
the point of view of those who counted for nothing in society
but who, amidst living conditions which were often unbearable,
forged and kept alive a unique culture founded on stoicism
and gracia, with which cante belongs. In this context, it
seems thoroughly clear that the Gypsies of Andalusia provided
a voice to the suffering of many.
NOTES
xi. Lope de Vega, El Arenal de Sevilla, III.iv. On
the sending of Gypsies to the galleys, see Bernard Leblon,
Les Gitans d’Espagne, (Paris, 1985), pp. 156-8 ; Manuel
Martínez Martínez, La minoría gitana
de la Provincia de Almería […], (Almería,
1998), pp. 32-40 ; and Luis Suárez Ávila,
“El fragmentarismo […]”, Revista de flamencología,
12 (2000), p. 69.
xii. See Libro de la gitanería de Triana de
los años 1740 a 1750, (Sevilla, 1995), pp. 21-22.
xiii. See my book, pp. 47-55 and, in the CD included
with it, Tracks 10 to 20.
xiv. The two « tonás chicas » that
Chacón is credited with having saved from disappearance
are very similar to the second call to Muslim prayer, the
« Iqâma ». When Chacón came upon
them, probably in one of the campiñas, these melodic
formulas had crossed something like four centuries since
the Fall of Granada, and simply been transferred to the
narrative and lyrical field.
xv. On « La Gitanilla », Estébanez
Calderón, and Suárez Ávila, see my
book, pp. 42-5. On Juan José Niño, see for
instance Teresa Catarella, El Romancero gitano-andaluz de
Juan José Niño, Sevilla, 1993.
xvi. See the following records and brochures : Françoise
Atlan, Romances Sefardies (Buda Records, several vols.)
; Selección de romances sefardies de Marruecos (Saga)
; La herencia judía en España (Several Records)
; Henriette Azen, Chants judéo-espagnols de Tétouan
à Oran ; Diaspora sefardí (Hesperion XXI)
; Chants judéo-espagnols (Inédit) ; etc…
xvii. See my book, pp. 42-7, and Tracks 2 to 7 in
the CD.
xviii. This is particularly notable in his «
late » lectures. His most illuminating formula is
« La Pena de Soledad Montoya es la raíz del
pueblo andaluz » : see III.344 in Obras Completas,
3 vols., Madrid, 1986. “La Pena de Soledad Montoya”
refers to the “Romance de la pena negra” in
Romancero Gitano : “¡ Oh, pena de los gitanos
! / Pena limpia y siempre sola”.
xix. One shudders at the prospect of a possibly official
return of (or to) el flamenco – or la Andalucía
– de pandereta. But how can it be avoided unless the
Andalusian lament (quejío) is granted the prominence
that it deserves, and properly traced to its social and
historical backgrounds?
More information:
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Antología del Cante Flamenco. 2 CD's
Hispavox-
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MAGNA ANTOLOGIA DEL CANTE FLAMENCO. 10 CD.
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Caja Recopilatoria - Patrimonio de Andalucía
- 13 CD + CDROM -
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Antologia de Cantaores Flamencos 15 CD -
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Medio Siglo de Cante Flamenco.
4 CD
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